Authored by Cheryl Luce

Seyfarth Synopsis:  If it becomes law, a new bill will expand the FLSA’s tip provisions into areas traditionally regulated by state law and create new areas of ambiguity that could be a breeding ground for yet more wage-hour litigation.

We have been covering the saga of a controversial 2011 DOL regulation that gave employees the right to receive tips even when they were paid the federal minimum wage of $7.25 per hour. As courts agreed again and again, the rule was contrary to the FLSA’s plain language and inconsistent with its remedies. In late 2017, the DOL proposed to rescind the rule, noting concerns about its scope. But that proposal has been highly politicized and labeled an attack on workers, authorizing employers to pocket employees’ tips (even though federal law never regulated an employee’s right to receipt of tips, even before the rule).

Ultimately, the fallout around the DOL’s 2017 proposal has resulted in a proposed law amending the FLSA called the Tip Income Protection Act of 2018, announced in principle on March 6, 2018 and receiving bipartisan support in Congress as well as from Secretary of Labor Alex Acosta. The bill has been added to the omnibus budget spending bill that the House passed yesterday and the Senate passed this morning. (The Tip Income Protection Act’s text begins on page 2,025 of the bill.) Barring a presidential veto, the bill will become law.

The Tip Income Protection Act amends the FLSA by adding a provision to 29 U.S.C. § 203(m) that states:

An employer may not keep tips received by its employees for any purpose, including allowing managers or supervisors to keep any portion of employees’ tips, regardless of whether or not the employer takes a tip credit.

The Act further creates a remedy for violating this provision “in the amount of the sum of any tip credit taken by the employer and all such tips unlawfully kept by the employer, and an additional equal amount in damages” and imposes a civil penalty of up to $1,000 for each violation.

As currently written, § 203(m) only regulates tips when the employer has taken a tip credit against its minimum wage obligations, and the FLSA only provides a remedy for the unpaid minimum wage (not for the amount of the tips retained). The Tip Income Protection Act thus expands the FLSA’s tipping provisions from ensuring tipped employees are properly notified of any tip credits and paid minimum wage to guaranteeing that employees are paid the tips they receive in full.

The proposed Tip Income Protection Act is a major deviation from the FLSA’s core purpose. Since its enactment in 1936, that purpose has been to: (i) ensure that all employees are paid at least the federal minimum wage, (ii) ensure that employees are paid at a rate of at least 1.5 times their regular rate of pay for all hours worked over 40 in a workweek, unless an exemption applies, and (iii) prohibit unlawful child labor. Never has it been the FLSA’s aim to ensure that employees are paid all of their wages. That historically has been left to the states. Indeed, if an employee makes at least the minimum wage and overtime according to the FLSA’s requirements, the FLSA can provide no further relief. The FLSA’s monetary remedies are currently limited to “unpaid minimum wages, or their unpaid overtime compensation, as the case may be, and in an additional equal amount as liquidated damages.” 29 U.S.C. § 216(b). By allowing employees to recover the full amount of tips, the Tip Income Protection Act represents a major departure from the purposes of the FLSA.

Perhaps the bigger concern with the Tip Income Protection Act as written is that it is vague and will leave employers scrambling to understand how the new law applies to them. First, the bill states “managers and supervisors” are prohibited from sharing any portion of employees’ tips and thus cannot participate in a tip pool. But the bill does not define “managers and supervisors,” and there are various ways in which these terms are interpreted in different contexts: does a lead bartender who can’t hire or fire employees, but serves as a manager-on-duty when the owner is not around and who also primarily serves customers, get to share in the tip pool? when he is acting as a manager? or never? Additionally, the bill selects the ambiguous word “to keep” as the operative commanding verb. Restaurants and their agents are not allowed “to keep” employees’ tips. Is “keeping” tips limited to circumstances in which the employer actually uses the tips for its own purposes? Or would it also apply to the distribution of tips to other employees, as appears to be the case for tips distributed to “managers and supervisors”? Would “improper” tip pools be subject to the new standard or the old one?

The Tip Income Protection Act appears to respond to fears that no federal regulation of tips opens the floodgate to pocketing employee tips. But tips have and will continue to be regulated by state law; indeed, federal law has never regulated wage payment generally and the source of that protection has been state laws. Although its sponsors are characterizing the bill as restoring a right for employees that was created by the Obama DOL, that right never existed in federal law (and apparently has not needed to exist in federal law until now). It only existed in the form of an administrative rule that exceeded agency authority and was largely rejected by courts.

Finally, the bill appears not to disturb the DOL regulations’ definition of a tip and guidance that “a compulsory charge for service, such as 15 percent of the amount of the bill, imposed on a customer by an employer’s establishment, is not a tip.” 29 C.F.R. § 531.55. No new definition of “tip” would be added to the FLSA as a result of the bill, and service charges should be spared from the bill’s new rules.

Co-authored by Howard M. Wexler and Robert S. Whitman

Seyfarth Synopsis: Governor Andrew Cuomo has directed the Commissioner of Labor to schedule public hearings to address the possibility of eliminating the tip credit. A tip credit allows an employer to pay less than minimum wage to employees who receive the bulk of their pay in customer tips.

As we say goodbye to 2017, New York employers should also start preparing to say goodbye to minimum wage tip credits.

Governor Andrew Cuomo has directed the Commissioner of Labor to schedule public hearings to address the possibility of eliminating the tip credit. A tip credit allows an employer to pay less than minimum wage to employees who receive the bulk of their pay in customer tips.

As we reported in 2015, the then-Commissioner issued a report questioning the continuation of the minimum wage tip credit. Governor Cuomo appears to be in favor of the elimination of tip credits; he called for the public hearings “to ensure that no workers are more susceptible to exploitation because they rely on tips to survive.” While the Governor has not made any specific proposal, it is likely that, even if the tip credit goes away, employees could still be tipped, and participate in tip pooling/sharing arrangements, but they would have to be paid at least the standard minimum wage that non-tipped employees receive.

As with the minimum wage for all employees across the state, the minimum wage for tipped employees across the state is set to increase on December 31. The Department of Labor has summarized the revisions applicable to the tipped minimum wage for hospitality employers, employers in “miscellaneous industries,” and employers in the “building service industry.” Employers should consult these summaries to determine how much they can deduct for the appropriate minimum wage tip credit as the amount varies based on the industry, job classification, location of the employee and size of the employer.

Co-authored by Noah Finkel and Cheryl Luce

Seyfarth Synopsis: On Monday, the DOL issued a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking announcing rescission of a rule that regulates tip pooling by employers who do not take the tip credit.

The DOL has issued a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking regarding the tip pooling regulations of the Fair Labor Standards Act. The FLSA allows employers to take a tip credit toward their minimum wage obligations, and employee tips may be pooled together, but pooling of tips is allowed only “among employees who customarily and regularly receive tips.” 29 U.S.C. § 203(m). The DOL took the tip pooling law a step further in 2011 when it promulgated a regulation that prohibits employers from operating tip pools even when they do not take the tip credit. The regulation states: “Tips are the property of the employee whether or not the employer has taken a tip credit under section 3(m) of the FLSA.” 29 C.F.R. § 531.52.

The DOL’s tip pooling rule has been unpopular with courts—and for good reason, as we have previously noted. Indeed, several federal courts have found that it is overbroad and invalid, excluding the Ninth Circuit. In the Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, the DOL agrees with the holdings of most courts and, while not outright stamping the rule as “overbroad” or beyond the DOL’s authority, states that the DOL is concerned “about the scope of its current tip regulations” and “is also seriously concerned that it incorrectly construed the statute in promulgating the tip regulations that apply to” employers who do not take the tip credit. The DOL’s about-face is also motivated by policy concerns. The Notice explains that removing the rule “provides such employers and employees greater flexibility in determining the pay policies for tipped and non-tipped workers [and] allows them to reduce wage disparities among employees who all contribute to the customers’ experience and to incentivize all employees to improve that experience regardless of their position.” Finally, the DOL notes that the increase in state laws prohibiting tip credits and the volume of litigation over this issue contributed to its decision to put the rule on the chopping block.

The end of the rule does not come as a surprise as both the DOL and courts have sounded the death knell this year. On July 20, 2017, the DOL issued a nonenforcement policy to not enforce the rule with respect to employees who are paid at least minimum wage. Additionally, the National Restaurant Association filed a petition for certiorari with the Supreme Court asking for review of the Ninth Circuit’s decision, which is still pending.

The DOL announced that if the rule is finalized as proposed, the rule would qualify as an “EO 13771 deregulatory action” under the Trump administration’s “two-for-one” executive order that requires federal agencies to cut two existing regulations for every new regulation they implement. Once the proposal is published in the Federal Register, interested parties will have the opportunity to provide comments regarding the Department’s proposal within 30 days. Only after these steps is the rule made final.

Authored by Cheryl Luce

Seyfarth Synopsis: Tipped workers who didn’t receive notice of the tip credit get a win under New York state minimum wage law in a case that echoes technical traps we have seen in FLSA decisions.

Throughout the year, we have been covering cases that show how the FLSA has been construed by courts as “remedial and humanitarian” in purpose, but that its technical traps do not always serve such a purpose and do not necessarily serve to ensure a living wage for working Americans. A recent decision from a New York federal court applying New York law shows how state minimum wage laws can also provide traps for the unwary and result in big payouts to employees who were paid at least minimum wage but in a way that violates the law’s technical requirements.

This case was filed five years ago against a restaurant company operating franchises in New York. The plaintiffs moved for partial summary judgment on whether they were properly advised in writing about tip credits when they started at the company and whether their wage statements met New York state law requirements. The moving plaintiffs were paid $5.00 per hour in regular pay and $7.50 per hour in overtime in addition to tips that (at least for the purposes of summary judgment) the plaintiffs did not dispute brought their pay above New York’s minimum wage requirements, nor did they contend that they did not understand that they were paid pursuant to the tip credit. Nonetheless, because of the company’s technical tip credit notice and wage statement violations, the court concluded that the company was liable to 15,000 workers for the liability period of 2011 to present for the difference between their hourly rate and the New York minimum wage (which increased to $9.70 per hour on December 31, 2016).

According to reporting by Law360, the plaintiffs’ attorney estimates that the damages could lead to more than $100 million in payments to the workers. It is not hard to imagine that such a massive judgment could put a major strain on the company’s operations or even threaten their ability to continue doing business. All the while, the plaintiffs did not dispute that, accounting for their tips, they were actually paid at least the New York minimum wage. In the event that the court orders defendants to pay them difference in the hourly rate they were paid and the New York minimum wage, they will have received the benefit of not just tips, but also damages resulting from what can only be described as a technicality.

Although this is a state law case and thus does not make up the fabric of inconsistent and illogical rhetoric we find in FLSA decisions that we have examined earlier, we find it appropriate to draw similar conclusions here. What is remedial and humanitarian about this court’s construction of New York’s minimum wage requirements? What protection of the right to earn a living wage is afforded low wage workers in this case? And if the answer is none, then perhaps courts ought to acknowledge that they do not always construe wage-hour laws in a way that achieves their core purpose of ensuring a living wage for working Americans, but rather in a way that has no apparent connection to such a purpose.

Authored By Alex Passantino

As we’ve reported previously, among the items the Department of Labor identified earlier this year in its Regulatory Agenda was a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM) seeking to rescind portions of a 2011 rule that restricted tip pooling for employers who do not use the tip credit to satisfy their minimum wage obligations. On October 24, 2017, that NPRM was sent to the White House Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) for review and approval. One of the cases challenging the validity of the 2011 rulemaking may be on its way to the Supreme Court, with the Administration’s response to a cert petition due on November 7. With that deadline looming, it’s possible that the Administration is seeking to moot the issue before the Supreme Court has the chance to address some of the issues related to agency deference.

After OIRA clears the NPRM, it will be sent to the Federal Register for the public to provide comments in response to the Department’s proposal. At that time, we’ll know the specifics of the proposal and will be able to provide more guidance on what this means for employers. Stay tuned.

 

Co-authored by Abigail Cahak and Noah Finkel

Seyfarth Synopsis: The Ninth Circuit has created a circuit split by rejecting the DOL’s interpretation of FLSA regulations on use of the tip credit to pay regularly tipped employees, finding that the interpretation is both inconsistent with the regulation and attempts to create a de facto new regulation.

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals issued an important and restaurant-friendly decision rejecting the Department of Labor’s interpretation of FLSA regulations on the use of the tip credit when paying regularly tipped employees.

In Marsh v. J. Alexander’s, the Ninth Circuit addressed a number of actions brought by servers and bartenders who alleged that their employers improperly used the tip credit and thus failed to pay them the required minimum wage. Relying on DOL interpretive guidance, the plaintiffs asserted that their non-tip generating duties took up more than 20% of their work hours, that they were employed in dual occupations, and that they were thus owed the regular minimum wage for that time. The district court dismissed the case, holding that Marsh had not alleged a dual occupation and that deference to the DOL guidance underpinning his theory of the case was unwarranted. Marsh appealed.

Under the FLSA’s regulations, an individual employed in dual occupations–one tipped and one not–cannot be paid using the tip credit for hours worked in the non-tipped occupation. The regulations clarify, however, that “[s]uch a situation is distinguishable from that of a waitress who spends part of her time cleaning and setting tables, toasting bread, making coffee[,] and occasionally washing dishes or glasses. . . . Such related duties in an occupation that is a tipped occupation need not by themselves be directed toward producing tips.” Yet, current DOL guidance imposes time and duty-based limitations not present in the regulations: the tip credit may not be used if an employee spends over 20% of hours in a workweek performing duties related to the tipped occupation but not themselves tip-generating. The guidance goes on to state that an employer also may not take the tip credit for time spent on duties not related to the tipped occupation because such an employee is “effectively employed in dual jobs.” That guidance had been followed by the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals and several lower courts. It created a feeding frenzy among some plaintiffs’ lawyers, causing restaurant employers to ask servers and bartenders to track their time spent on various activities down to the minute, or risk facing a collective action lawsuit in which they have to try to rebut a servers’ claims that they had spent excessive time on activities that arguably were not tip producing.

The Ninth Circuit, however, concluded in Marsh that the DOL’s guidance was both inconsistent with the FLSA regulations and attempted to create a de facto new regulation such that it did not merit deference. In particular, the court noted the regulations’ focus on dual occupations or jobs as contrasted with the DOL guidance: “[i]nstead of providing further guidance on what constitutes a distinct job, [the DOL] takes an entirely different approach; it . . . disallows tip credits on a minute-by-minute basis based on the type and quantity of tasks performed. Because the dual jobs regulation is concerned with when an employee has two jobs, not with differentiating between tasks within a job, the [DOL’s] approach is inapposite and inconsistent with the dual jobs regulation.” Moreover, the DOL guidance “creates an alternative regulatory approach with new substantive rules . . . [and] ‘is de facto a new regulation’ masquerading as an interpretation.”

In so holding, the Ninth Circuit broke with the Eighth Circuit’s 2011 decision in Fast v. Applebee’s International, Inc. and explicitly rejected the Eighth Circuit’s analysis in that case. We previously blogged about the Fast decision here.

Marsh creates a circuit split and is particularly notable coming from the frequently employee-friendly Ninth Circuit. There remains, however, contrary authority in many parts of the country, and the decision has no bearing on state laws, some of which may nonetheless follow the DOL’s reasoning. It’s also likely that this Ninth Circuit panel does not have the last word on this issue. This opinion could receive further review by the full Ninth Circuit or by the Supreme Court, and if the Supreme Court does not resolve the circuit split, other appellate courts are likely to weigh in. Regardless, the decision points out the absurdities of the DOL’s current position and demonstrates the need for guidance on the issue from the DOL once its’ appointees are in place.

Authored by Alex Passantino

The White House announced its intent to nominate Cheryl Stanton to serve as the Administrator of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage & Hour Division. Stanton currently serves as the Executive Director for the South Carolina Department of Employment and Workforce. Prior to that, she worked in private practice as a management-side labor and employment attorney. She also previously served as Associate White House Counsel for President George W. Bush, where she was the administration’s principal liaison to the U.S. Department of Labor, the National Labor Relations Board, and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

Ms. Stanton is nominated to join a Labor Department in which only Secretary of Labor Alexander Acosta has successfully navigated the Senate confirmation process. Deputy Secretary nominee Patrick Pizzella was formally nominated in June 2017; his nomination remains pending in the Senate. With a full Fall agenda including Hurricane Harvey (and likely Irma) relief, the debt ceiling, tax reform, border wall funding, and potential immigration-related issues, it is unclear when the Senate might confirm Ms. Stanton. It would not be surprising to see her nomination linger until the end of the year–or even into 2018.

When she does arrive at WHD, she’ll be facing a full plate of issues as the agency tackles a new rulemaking process increasing the salary level required for exemption under the FLSA’s white-collar exemptions, a proposal revising the rules surrounding tipped employees and the use of tip credit, and, presumably, filling the vacuum left by the Department’s withdrawal of the Administrator Interpretations on independent contractors and joint employment. In addition, with the Department’s announcement that it would once again be issuing opinion letters, there’s likely to be quite a queue of requests awaiting Ms. Stanton’s review.

We’ll keep you posted as Ms. Stanton’s nomination works its way through the confirmation process.

 

Authored by Alex Passantino

Seyfarth Synopsis: The Wage & Hour Division announced its regulatory plan for the next year and it is less ambitious than some may have anticipated.  A request for information on the overtime rule and a proposal to rescind a limited tip credit regulation are all that is on the immediate horizon for employers.

Each spring and fall, Washington waits with bated breath as the Executive Branch releases its regulatory agenda. As the first pronouncement of some of the specifics of the Trump Administration’s regulatory plans, this year’s agenda was anticipated more than most. And now we have it

The Wage and Hour Division’s initial plans include the announced Request for Information on the white collar exemptions, which is expected to be published this month. An as-of-yet-unannounced action, however, is a notice of proposed rulemaking (NPRM) that would rescind aspects of the Department’s 2011 rule related to tipped employees. Specifically, the NPRM would seek comment on the Department’s proposal to rescind the portion of the rule that restricts tip pooling for employers who do not use the tip credit to satisfy their minimum wage obligations. That rule has been the subject of much litigation, with mixed results. One of the cases may be on its way to the Supreme Court, with the Administration’s response to a cert petition due on September 8. With the NPRM slated for an August publication, it’s possible that the Administration may be seeking to avoid review by the Supreme Court on some of the touchier issues related to the proper deference a federal agency should be afforded. We’ll keep you posted.

Finally, WHD has identified a long-term plan to revisit the Section 14(c) program. Section 14(c) of the FLSA permits, under certain circumstances, employment of individuals with disabilities at subminimum wages. It is a politically sensitive program, and one in need of updating. No timetable has been provided for the Department’s review.

Co-authored by Robert Whitman, Joanna Smith, and Samuel Sverdlov

Joining a budding national trend, renowned restaurateur Danny Meyer of Union Square Hospitality Group last week announced that he will eliminate formal tipping at his restaurants starting in 2016. Meyer stated that the new policy, aptly named “Hospitality Included,” is meant to better compensate “back of house” staff, who are legally restricted from receiving tips, and to make the dining experience less complicated for diners.

But is there a more subtle, yet potentially more significant, legal benefit as well? By eliminating tipping, Meyer and other like-minded restauranteurs might be shielding themselves from costly legal exposure for wage and hour violations.

Historically, restaurants have been able to offset part of their payroll costs by taking advantage of federal and state tip credits, which allow them to pay waiters and other customer-facing “front of house” employees at a lower hourly rate, provided they receive a certain amount in tips. Despite the obvious financial advantage to this approach, the industry has been plagued in recent years with class and collective actions stemming from alleged tipping violations. (See examples here, here, and here.) Such claims include failing to pay minimum wage, improperly including kitchen workers in servers’ tip pools, using a portion of tips to servers of alcohol and wine to pay sommeliers’ salaries, and failing to provide required notice of the tip credit.

Furthermore, some hospitality industry experts, such as Michael Lynn of the Cornell University School of Hotel Administration, believe that tipping inherently disadvantages minority workers, suggesting that tipping practices could put employers at risk of disparate impact discrimination class action suits.

A “no tipping” policy eliminates these litigation risks. In addition to simplifying an employer’s payroll and reducing paperwork, the end of tipping could mean the end of costly class action allegations of tip pool, tip share, and service charge violations, as well as minimum wage and overtime violations predicated on an improper tip pool or share.

Moreover, over the next few years, the benefit to employers from tipping will be greatly reduced as more municipalities and states raise their minimum wage rates while reducing the tip credit. For example, as of December 31, 2015, the minimum wage rate in New York is set to rise to $9.00 an hour. New York’s Acting Commissioner of Labor has accepted the recommendation of a Wage Board to reduce the tip credit from $4.00 an hour to $1.50 an hour as of December 31, 2015. This will effectively increase the minimum wage for tipped workers in New York from $5 to $7.50 an hour at the end of this year. Other increases in minimum wage rates are occurring nationwide—San Francisco voted last November to increase its minimum wage to $15 per hour by 2018, Chicago will bring the minimum wage to $13 by 2019, and many other cities and states have follow suit.

The success of Meyer’s “Hospitality Included” approach remains to be seen. For now, it seems that adopting a no-tipping policy has several strategic benefits that will help the hospitality industry combat class and collective actions stemming from tipping violations and a rapidly increasing minimum wage.

Arkansas-Co-authored by Abad Lopez and Noah Finkel

The two-step “send notice now/worry later” approach to FLSA collective actions — in which courts approve notice to potential collective action members under the lenient standard but comfort defendant-employers with the bromide of “don’t worry, we can revisit the issue at the decertification stage under a more rigorous standard” — continues to leave a bad taste.

Those who follow FLSA collective action litigation are familiar with the recipe. Motions for conditional certification usually are subject to a “lenient standard” under which a plaintiff need carry only a “low burden” in making a “modest showing.” These motions thus typically result in a notice of collective action being issued to all those meeting the collective action definition. Dozens, hundreds, or even thousands then opt in to the case and substantially increase a defendant-employer’s potential exposure. Substantial discovery then occurs, and then the defendant-employer files a motion for decertification. Viewing that motion under a far more rigorous standard, courts often undo conditional certification and find that the collective action members are not in fact similarly-situated to each other. The dozens, hundreds, or even thousands who opted in then are dismissed from the case without prejudice.

So damage repaired, right? Unfortunately, no. Those former opt-ins — who would not exist but for the conditional certification order — can remain a significant cost and potential liability for an employer. They may file new lawsuits separately or in smaller groups, or they may even find their way back into the current lawsuit.

In other words, by refusing to conduct a meaningful analysis at the conditional certification stage, courts invite numerous individuals to join litigation through the collective action mechanism, even when their claims do not belong in the same lawsuit. Defendants then bear the burden of defending multiple lawsuits that, but for the ease of the two-step approach, probably would not have been brought to begin with.

A recent case in Arkansas illustrates this point. In Conners v. Catfish Pies, Inc., et al., an Arkansas federal judge conditionally certified a lawsuit accusing Gusano’s Chicago-Style Pizzeria restaurant operators of using illegal tip pools to pay waiters less than the minimum wage. Conners, who worked as a server at the Gusano’s location in Conway, Arkansas, claimed she was forced to pool her tips with cooks and other kitchen employees, who typically do not receive gratuities, in violation of the FLSA. Conners argued that because Gusano’s tip-sharing agreement was invalid, the company was required to pay her a minimum wage of $7.25 per hour, rather than the $2.75 plus tips that she was given.

Following conditional certification under the “lenient standard,” more than a dozen current and former waiters joined the lawsuit. Later, the court purportedly undid the damage when it decertified the lawsuit using the more rigorous analysis in the second step of the two-step certification process typically utilized for collective actions under the FLSA. In its decertification order, the court found that the plaintiffs were in fact not “similarly situated” because different workers were employed by different entities that operated the restaurants, and thus were subject to different pay practices.

But what seemed like a victory for the defendants turned out to be a headache. A few months later, the judge reconsidered part of his decision to decertify the collective action and split the case into four separate trials. Although the court had previously dismissed the claims of all opt-in plaintiffs in its decertification order, it allowed each opt-in plaintiff to join the lawsuit as a named plaintiff against the respective restaurant where he or she was employed. Instead of a victory, the restaurants now have to defend against multiple lawsuits by plaintiffs who were not properly before the court in the first place. For these restaurants, decertification didn’t undo the damage of the conditional certification order. Ultimately, decertification compounded their problem. And to add insult to injury, that is only after these restaurants spent a lot of time and money after conditional certification to get to decertification.

The Conners v. Catfish Pies litigation is a reminder that conditional certification, though it can be undone, has long-term consequences for defendant-employers. Even if the case ceases being a collective action, it nevertheless can transform into a multi-named-plaintiff case, or it can morph into dozens or more separate cases. Defendants need to continue to make this clear to judges when they oppose conditional certification.